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On the exact day Donald Trump was presented with a custom-made "award for peace" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government published an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This relatively short paper is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically modest claim that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of disaster and disaster."

Even though the strategy mostly codifies the ongoing policies and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a serious warning for the international community, and for Europe in particular.

A Strategy of Intervention and Civilizational Anxiety

The document espouses an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been lifted straight from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence." Even more worryingly, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the real and more stark possibility of cultural extinction."

The entire section dedicated to Europe is imbued with decades of European right-wing dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, censorship of free expression and stifling of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-belief." Per the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economic power and militaries powerful enough to be dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, free speech, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and past."

Foundational Theories of the Far Right

These points carry powerful overtones of two theories regarded as foundational for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to attack the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace restive "native" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.

It is the nationalist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the right, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "America urges its ideological partners in Europe to advance this revival of national spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."

The Goal: "Make Europe Great Again"

In other words, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only movement that can achieve this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "building up the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an adversary either.

An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will at last understand that the stance is grave. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to act accordingly.